Andrew Hammond
Enhancing China’s reputation is a generational task that will require not only sustained investment, but also significant reform.
By Andrew Hammond
As Chinese President Xi Jinping prepared for his landmark summit with President Barack Obama in California yesterday and today, the critical mission of improving China’s image in the world could well be uppermost in his mind.
The central challenge that Xi faces here is that China’s soft power — its ability to win the hearts and minds of other nations and influence their governments through attraction rather than coercion or payment — has lagged far behind its purposeful hard power built on its growing economic and military might.
This “soft power deficit” could prove a real headache for the new Chinese president, for there is increasing international concern, suspicion and even outright hostility as China’s international role expands.
In the United States, for example, public favourability toward China fell by over one-fifth in one year recently – from 51 percent in 2011 to 40 percent in 2012, according to Pew Research Global Attitudes Project.
At a time of continued economic uncertainty in the United States, issues such as China’s alleged currency manipulation, the mammoth size of the US trade deficit with China and the large US financial debt held by China, not to mention alleged Chinese cybersecurity attacks on American businesses and government offices, has taken its toll on US public opinion.
In this context, Xi must rightly recognise the need for better diplomacy and strategic communications to enable stronger international understanding and appreciation of the country.
While this agenda now lacks definition, it could prove symbolically powerful for China. So a good starting point at the summit would be clearer commitments to develop stronger, joint US-China positions on key issues, especially in Asia – particularly a peaceful resolution of the North Korea nuclear stand-off.
Perhaps the most difficult issue to be addressed in the Rancho Mirage, California, meeting is the sometimes yawning gap between China’s attractive culture and traditions and modern achievements such as its scientific progress (admired by many foreigners and a significant source of soft power), and the Communist regime’s domestic actions. One case in point was the stunning staging of the Olympics in 2008.
The elaborate opening ceremonies celebrated both traditional and modern Chinese culture and society, while underlining Beijing’s clinical efficiency to stage major events — though foreigners can sometimes interpret this ominously.
This requires commitment to political change, transparency and concrete steps towards democratisation — and matching these words to deeds.
Much of the international community is unlikely to welcome China as a peaceful, responsible world power if Beijing regularly clamps down on Chinese citizens seeking domestic reform, including political dissidents, lawyers, human rights activists and journalists.
A second issue to address is that, traditionally, there has been too little emphasis from China on public diplomacy efforts to reach out directly to foreign publics.
Instead, Beijing has often placed emphasis, especially in Africa and the Middle East, on improving working relationships with strategically important governments through assistance programmes that may not always serve the interest of local people.
The central problem here is that the communications of Chinese state-driven public diplomacy often lack legitimacy and credibility.
One solution is expanding the numbers of individuals and non-state groups – including from civil society networks, Chinese diaspora communities, student and academic groups and business networks – involved in public diplomacy.
While this may make Beijing anxious, it will only enhance Chinese soft power in the long term. To confirm this, Xi needs only look to the United States, a nation that long enjoyed one of the best reputations in the world and derived much of this high standing from its rich and vibrant civil society and private sector, which are much admired by many international stakeholders.
Indeed, enhancing China’s reputation is a generational task that will require not only sustained investment, but also significant reform, during Xi’s presidency.
REUTERS
Enhancing China’s reputation is a generational task that will require not only sustained investment, but also significant reform.
By Andrew Hammond
As Chinese President Xi Jinping prepared for his landmark summit with President Barack Obama in California yesterday and today, the critical mission of improving China’s image in the world could well be uppermost in his mind.
The central challenge that Xi faces here is that China’s soft power — its ability to win the hearts and minds of other nations and influence their governments through attraction rather than coercion or payment — has lagged far behind its purposeful hard power built on its growing economic and military might.
This “soft power deficit” could prove a real headache for the new Chinese president, for there is increasing international concern, suspicion and even outright hostility as China’s international role expands.
In the United States, for example, public favourability toward China fell by over one-fifth in one year recently – from 51 percent in 2011 to 40 percent in 2012, according to Pew Research Global Attitudes Project.
At a time of continued economic uncertainty in the United States, issues such as China’s alleged currency manipulation, the mammoth size of the US trade deficit with China and the large US financial debt held by China, not to mention alleged Chinese cybersecurity attacks on American businesses and government offices, has taken its toll on US public opinion.
In this context, Xi must rightly recognise the need for better diplomacy and strategic communications to enable stronger international understanding and appreciation of the country.
While this agenda now lacks definition, it could prove symbolically powerful for China. So a good starting point at the summit would be clearer commitments to develop stronger, joint US-China positions on key issues, especially in Asia – particularly a peaceful resolution of the North Korea nuclear stand-off.
Perhaps the most difficult issue to be addressed in the Rancho Mirage, California, meeting is the sometimes yawning gap between China’s attractive culture and traditions and modern achievements such as its scientific progress (admired by many foreigners and a significant source of soft power), and the Communist regime’s domestic actions. One case in point was the stunning staging of the Olympics in 2008.
The elaborate opening ceremonies celebrated both traditional and modern Chinese culture and society, while underlining Beijing’s clinical efficiency to stage major events — though foreigners can sometimes interpret this ominously.
This requires commitment to political change, transparency and concrete steps towards democratisation — and matching these words to deeds.
Much of the international community is unlikely to welcome China as a peaceful, responsible world power if Beijing regularly clamps down on Chinese citizens seeking domestic reform, including political dissidents, lawyers, human rights activists and journalists.
A second issue to address is that, traditionally, there has been too little emphasis from China on public diplomacy efforts to reach out directly to foreign publics.
Instead, Beijing has often placed emphasis, especially in Africa and the Middle East, on improving working relationships with strategically important governments through assistance programmes that may not always serve the interest of local people.
The central problem here is that the communications of Chinese state-driven public diplomacy often lack legitimacy and credibility.
One solution is expanding the numbers of individuals and non-state groups – including from civil society networks, Chinese diaspora communities, student and academic groups and business networks – involved in public diplomacy.
While this may make Beijing anxious, it will only enhance Chinese soft power in the long term. To confirm this, Xi needs only look to the United States, a nation that long enjoyed one of the best reputations in the world and derived much of this high standing from its rich and vibrant civil society and private sector, which are much admired by many international stakeholders.
Indeed, enhancing China’s reputation is a generational task that will require not only sustained investment, but also significant reform, during Xi’s presidency.
REUTERS
